Saturday,
April 6, 2013
Obviously,
because tribalism is at the forefront, anybody who makes the mistake to
initiate any action to challenge the status quo will be catalyzing a process
with very disastrous consequences.
Let
me be blunt to say at this point that Captain Koomson’s utterance is dangerous
for all that it is, even if I regard it as insightful.
The
point is that any talk of a coup d’état is nothing but a suggestion for a civil
war. I must clarify this claim and support it for you to see things beyond your
nose, dear reader.
Because
ethnicity is a major factor in the kind of politics now going on in the country,
who will be that capricious and foolhardy soldier to pick up his gun to fire
the first shot? Will he be an Ewe, a Ga, an Asante, a Frafra, a Konkomba, a
Dagbani, or a Gonja, just to mention a few of the over 100 ethnic groups
constituting Ghana?
The
question relates to the fact that there is widespread perception that while the
NDC is an Ewe party, the NPP is an Akan one. Nobody needs any further
elucidation on this perception because the outcome of Elections 2008 and 2012
reinforce such perceptions, especially in the case of the NPP. Of course, the
NDC has a wider appeal than the NPP, making it rise above the narrow perception
that it is Ewe-based.
So,
if this ethnicity is factored into any talk of a military coup, where will the
leader of that coup come from? Obviously, a guess can be hazarded that anybody
in the military to pick up arms against the government will carry along with
him (it’s usually the men in the Ghanaian military who have initiated the coup
efforts, so we can use this sexist language here) his ethnic badge.
If
that coup architect happens to be an Akan, the quick conclusion will be that he
is an NPP follower. You can imagine the spontaneous reaction from other
sections of the military, which will definitely spill over into the civilian
population.
The
assumption is that given the NPP’s origin and modus operandi, not to mention
the ethnic extraction of its bigwigs, it is the only party that will favour a
coup against an NDC government. I am not accusing them of masterminding any coup;
but I am assuming so within the context of a hypothetical situation into which Capt.
Koomson’s pronouncement fits.
There
are several reasons to support such an assumption. You already know them; so,
don’t ask me for any. If you think otherwise, just listen to the airwaves, read
publications in the pro-NPP newspapers, and listen carefully to any NPP
follower nearby. Then, turn to the pro-NDC side too to hear comments that
shouldn’t leave you in any doubt about the mutual hatred that characterizes the
NDC-NPP bad-blood relationship.
So, with the NDC in power against the wish of
the NPP leaders and followers, how will one process Capt. Koomson’s
pronouncement, especially when it raises a red flag about his own political
persuasion? See things for yourselves:
“He
equally expressed utmost surprise at the sudden silence of the National Peace
Council after the election, in spite of the seeming tension in the country,
stressing the need for it to put pressure on those he referred to as ‘the
powers that be’ to expedite action since the situation was fluid.”
Really?
Was Capt. Koomson hiding behind his own personal political intrigues? Judge for
yourself:
But
here is what he has failed to realize about where Ghana is today and where its
citizens want it to be as far as democracy is concerned. The zeal with which Ghanaians
have sustained the 4th Republic confirms that they have developed a
strong distaste for a military coup d’état.
The
conditions that catalyze an overthrow of a government have always existed in
countries where the government fails to perform competently to serve the
interests of the people. When the government cannot implement policies and
programmes and behaves irresponsibly, supervising massive corruption, plain
theft of national resources, and wanton disregard for human rights, it digs its
own grave. Many countries in the world have had such governments and will
continue to have them as a confirmation of the fallibility of the human race.
When
the government confirms its incompetence, action is taken to get rid of it. The
only benefit for which the citizens aspire—and which motivates them to sacrifice
their lot to put a government in power—is that the government so formed will solve
their existential problems.
They
use their strong willpower and the institutions of state to do so, mostly
without the direct involvement of those who have the monopoly over the
instruments of violence (the soldiers). In circumstances, civil revolts have
been used to overthrow governments (the Arab Spring being the latest example).
In
extreme cases, attempts to get rid of bad governments have degenerated into
civil wars with devastating consequences. It turns that way when tribal sentiments
take over the collective national spirit.
From
the way that tribalism is deepening in our national politics, we can’t fail to
read deeper meanings into issues to guess what will happen at the poke of a
finger. Anybody seeing current developments in the country to suggest that they
are making the country ripe for a military coup needs to re-think because in
our case, the explosion will go beyond a mere military take-over. It will spark
off something worse. Is that what anybody should be hyping at this time? I don’t
think so.
Those
quick to imagine a military coup as the solution to the challenges brought
about by our democracy are backward in their thinking. They are living in a
time warp and need help to comprehend the fullest dimensions of what our
democracy entails. Perhaps, because those who think like Capt. Koomson are still
deceived by the mirage that their military experiences place in their way, they
are unable to separate the trees from the forest.
The
government may be doing or not doing things as expected, and there may be
conditions indicative of instability, but the situation isn’t worth portraying
as ripe for a military coup.
Ghana’s
experiences aren’t peculiar. Unfortunately, we have not yet taken decisive
steps to retool the institutions needed to prop up our democracy, which is why
there seems to be confusion all over the place. Until the government strengthens
those institutions to perform the tasks imposed on them by our democracy, they
will not be able to help us soak up the pressure.
The
conditions that Capt. Koomson is wary of as preparing the grounds for a
military coup can be taken care of by the state institutions, not the military.
Indeed,
a military coup d’état isn’t the solution to the challenges imposed on us by
our democracy. Privileging a military coup d’état, then, becomes backwardness
and a clear demonstration of ignorance.
Nobody
in the military should deceive himself that he can get up, firing shots indiscriminately,
and dash into any radio station to announce the overthrow of the government. It
won’t happen. Such a move will be snuffed out and the perpetrators crumpled.
The
good news is that Ghanaians have outgrown the wayward love they had for the
military decades ago. On a global scale too, the world has found a potent way
to stifle military take-overs. Unless any soldier is ill-informed of the bitter
consequences awaiting him, let him listen to Capt. Koomson.
I shall return…
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